Rome never fell, it simply moved five hundred miles East, to
Byzantium. For over a thousand years the Byzantines commanded
one of the most visceral and vivid empires the world has ever
known. The once common idea that the lights went out on
classical and Western civilization when Rome fell in 476 C.E.
has long since been debunked, but Brownsworth weighs in to
illustrate that the Roman Empire's center of power simply
shifted to Constantinople.
In a narrative by turns spellbinding and prosaic, Brownsworth
marches us through centuries of history and introduces the
successive rulers of Byzantium, detailing a culture he describes
as both familiar and exotic. He follows religious, political and
cultural change up through the Islamic conquest of 1453.
Christian refugees fled Byzantium into Europe, taking with them
their longstanding love of ancient culture and introducing
Western Europe to Plato, Demosthenes, Xenophon, Aeschylus and
Homer, fanning the flames of the renaissance of Hellenistic
culture that had already begun in various parts of Europe.
INTRODUCTION
I
first
met Byzantium in a pleasant little salt marsh on the north shore
of Long Island. I had paused there to read a book about what was
innocently called the "later Roman Empire", prepared to trace
the familiar descent of civilization into the chaos and savagery
of the Dark Ages. Instead, nestled under my favorite tree, I
found myself confronted with a rich tapestry of lively emperors
and seething barbarian hordes, of men and women who claimed to
be emperors of Rome long after the Roman Empire was supposed to
be dead and buried. It was at once both familiar and exotic; a
Roman Empire that had somehow survived the Dark Ages, and kept
the light of the classical world alive. At times, its history
seemed to be ripped from the headlines. This Judeo-Christian
society with Greco-Roman roots snuggled with immigration, the
role of church and state, and the dangers of a militant Islam.
Its poor wanted the rich taxed more, its rich could afford to
find the loopholes, and a swollen bureaucracy tried hard to find
a balance that brought in enough money without crushing
everyone.
And yet Byzantium was at the same time a place of startling
strangeness, alluring but quite alien to the modem world. Holy
men perched atop pillars, emperors ascended pulpits to deliver
lashing sermons and hairsplitting points of theology could touch
off riots in the streets. The concepts of democracy that infuse
the modern world would have horrified the Byzantines. Their
society had been founded in the instability and chaos of the
third century, a time of endemic revolts with emperors who were
desperately trying to elevate the dignity of the throne.
Democracy, with its implications that all wore equal, would have
struck at the very underpinnings of their hierarchical, ordered
world, raising nightmares of the unceasing civil wars that they
had labored so hard to escape. The Byzantines, however, were no
prisoners of an oppressive autocratic society. Lowly peasants
and orphaned women found their way onto the throne, and it was a
humble farmer from what is now Macedonia who rose to become
Byzantium's greatest ruler, extending its vast domains until
they embraced nearly the entire Mediterranean. His successors
oversaw a deeply religious society with a secular educational
system that saw itself as the guard tan of light and
civilization in a swiftly darkening world They were, as Robert
Byron so famously put it. a 'triple fusion": a Roman body, a
Greek mind, and a mystic soul.
It's a better definition than most, in part because the term
"Byzantine" is a thoroughly modern invention, making the empire
attached to it notoriously difficult to define. What we call the
Byzantine Empire was in fact the eastern half of the Roman
Empire, and its citizens referred to themselves as Roman from
the founding of Constantinople in to the fall of the city eleven
centuries later. For most of that time, their neighbors, allies,
and enemies alike saw them in this light; when Mehmed II
conquered Constantinople, he took the title Caesar of Rome,
ruling, as he saw it. as the successor of a line that went back
to Augustus.
Only the scholars of the Enlightenment, preferring to find their
roots in ancient Greece and classical Rome, denied the Eastern
Empire the name "Roman," branding it instead after Byzantium the
ancient name of Constantinople. The "real" empire for them had
ended in 476 with the abdication of the last western emperor and
the history of the "impostors" in Constantinople was nothing
more than a thousand-year slide into barbarism, corruption, and
decay.
Western civilization, however, owes an incalculable debt to the
scorned city on the Bosporus. For more than a millennium, its
capital stood, the great bastion of the East protecting a
nascent, chaotic Europe, as one after another would-be world
conqueror foundered against its walls. Without Byzantium, the
surging armies of Islam would surely have swept into Europe in
the seventh century, and as Gibbon mused, the call to prayer
would have echoed over Oxford's dreaming spires. There was more
tçan
just force of arms to the Byzantine gift, however. While
civilization flickered dimly in the remote Irish monasteries of
the West, it blazed in Constantinople, sometimes waxing,
sometimes waning, but always alive.
Byzantium's greatest emperor. Justinian, gave us Roman law the
basis of most European legal systems even today—its artisans
gave us the brilliant mosaics of Ravenna and the supreme triumph
of the Hagia Sophia, and its scholars gave us the dazzling Greek
and Latin classics that the Dark Ages nearly extinguished in the
West.
If we owe such a debt to Byzantium, it begs the question of why
exactly the empire has been so ignored. The Roman Empire
fractured—first culturally and then religiously between East and
West, and as the two halves drifted apart, estrangement set in.
Christianity was a thin veneer holding them together, but by
IO54, when the church ruptured into Catholic and Orthodox
halves, the East and West found that they had little to unite
them and much to keep them apart. The Crusades drove the final
wedge between them, engendering lasting bitterness in the East,
and derision in the West. While what was left of Byzantium
succumbed to Islamic invasion, Europe washed its hands and
turned away, confident in its own growing power and burgeoning
destiny. This mutual contempt has left Byzantium consigned to a
little-deserved obscurity, forgotten for centuries by those who
once took refuge behind its walls.
Most history curricula fail to mention the civilization that
produced the illumination of Cyril and Methodius, the brilliance
of John I Tsimiscis. or the conquests of Nicephorus II Phocas.
The curtain of the Roman Empire falls for most with the last
western emperor, and tales of heroism in Greece end with the
Spartan king Leonidas. But no less heroic was Constantinos
Dragases, standing on his ancient battlements in 1453 or
Belisarius before the walls of Rome. Surely we owe them as deep
a debt of gratitude.
This book is my small attempt to redress that situation, to give
voice to a people who have remained voiceless far too long. It's
intended to whet the appetite, to expose the reader to the vast
sweep of Byzantine history, and to put flesh and sinew on their
understanding of the East and the West. Regrettably, it can make
no claims to being definitive or exhaustive. Asking a single
volume to contain over a thousand years of history is taxing
enough, and much must be sacrificed to brevity. In defense of
what's been left on the cutting-room floor. I can only argue
that part of the pleasure of Byzantium is in the discovery:
Throughout the book I've used Latinized rather than Greek names
Constantino instead of Konstandinos on the grounds that they'll
be more familiar and accessible to the general reader. I've also
used a personality driven approach to telling the story since
the emperor was so central to Byzantine life, few societies have
been as autocratic as the Eastern Roman Empire The person on the
imperial throne stood halfway to heaven, the divinely appointed
sovereign whose every decision deeply affected even the meanest
citizen.
Hopefully, this volume will awaken an interest in a subject that
has long been absent from the Western canon. We share a common
cultural history with the Byzantine Empire, and can find
important lessons echoing down the centuries. Byzantium, no less
than the West, created the world in which we live, and—if
further motivation is needed to study it -- the story also
happens to be captivating.
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